When did slavery end in Alabama?
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Alabama is
And that’s not a rhetorical question.
The Alabama Solution is Modern-Day Slavery
In Alabama, incarceration is a business—and prison labor is at its center. In pursuit of cost-cutting and profit-making, government agencies, fast food chains, and manufacturers alike have knowingly participated in and perpetuated a modern-day forced labor scheme through the state’s carceral system. Under the scheme, the state of Alabama coerces incarcerated people into working for as little as $2 per day—and sometimes nothing at all—while their parole is frequently denied or delayed to keep them on the job. Meanwhile, those on the other side of the equation are seeing an annual benefit of over $450 million.
Alabama’s forced labor scheme is ruthless and quite simple: incarcerated people must work or suffer violent consequences, and a discriminatory parole system keeps them within the system in order to further exploit their labor for the financial benefit of others. The Alabama Department of Corrections (ADOC) oversees one of the most brutal and deadly prison systems in the U.S. The incarcerated people within the walls of ADOC facilities can work or be beaten, sometimes to death. The imbalance in power gives employers every advantage. Forced prison laborers arrive at their worksites with the carceral boot on their necks, with no leverage to bargain or protest working terms and conditions.
From the era of chattel slavery to the post-Civil War convict-lease system to the Jim Crow era—the state has built its economy on the back of a commodified, coerced, and racist labor system. Today’s prison labor scheme is the most recent iteration in that long history.
In December 2023, Justice Catalyst Law filed a class-action lawsuit, Council, et al. v. Ivey, et al., on behalf of current and formerly incarcerated Alabamians, two of the largest labor unions in the U.S., and a civil rights organization — who allege that Alabama operates a system in which incarcerated people are coerced into working for state and private actors under threat of violence in order to benefit government agencies and private corporations. The suit further argues that the scheme targets those with good disciplinary records, or those most eligible for parole, creating a perverse system in which incarcerated people are punished for doing everything in their power to earn their freedom.
The result is a system that deems incarcerated people too “dangerous” to be set free, but “safe” enough to work for a pittance in a fast food chain, or a poultry processing plant, or a car parts factory—all while the ADOC takes a 40% cut from their gross wages. And when those incarcerated people work for the ADOC itself inside its facilities, they work for no wages at all. Those involved benefit by $450 million annually.
The plaintiffs accuse defendants, which include Alabama Governor Kay Ivey, Attorney General Steve Marshall, and the state’s BPP, in addition to private actors like Burger King and Bama Budweiser, of violating trafficking, racketeering, and equal protection laws, among others.
The lawsuit takes a big swing at the system. Unprecedented in its scope and aim, it connects the dots between the physical and psychological violence of Alabama’s carceral system, and the financial exploitation of a disproportionately Black incarcerated population. It aims to dismantle Alabama’s forced labor scheme and return all profits to incarcerated individuals. The stakes are life and death, and the results could set a precedent not just for Alabama but the rest of the nation.
The case taking on modern-day slavery in Alabama’s prisons
HISTORY & CONTEXT
Alabama’s history of systemic racism, from Reconstruction to present day
History & context
The money
Enslaved Black people were the labor force that fueled Alabama’s original agriculture-based economy, cultivating the cotton cash crop in the 18th and 19th centuries before it was exported around the globe.
When Alabama seceded from the Union in January 1861, its population was just shy of one million, and 44% of that population was enslaved.
At the end of the Civil War in 1865, lawmakers ratified the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, abolishing the practice of slavery—”except as a punishment for crime.” This left a loophole that would systematically be widened over the next 150 years.
The Reconstruction-era convict-lease system, a precursor to what is seen today in Alabama’s carceral system, let private companies and individuals pay the state in exchange for incarcerated peoples’ labor. The system formally lasted from 1875 to 1928, and contributed significantly to state revenue.
The emergence of Jim Crow’s “separate but equal” laws in the late 19th century further entrenched the systemic, economic disenfranchisement of Black Alabamians. Not only did Jim Crow laws segregate the population and limit opportunities for Black Americans to advance economically, but it also perpetuated a system of terror and violence to police, criminalize, and incarcerate Black lives. Though Jim Crow laws no longer exist, echoes of that era of disenfranchisement remain in the modern-day slavery of Alabama’s current prison system.